C. Ethnic Cleansing of Nuers from the Bentiu
Oil Fields.
The Government of Sudan, with assistance from China, Malaysia and Canada,
is currently ethnically cleansing the indigenous Nuer population from around
the oil installations around Bentiu, in Upper Nile province. This month,
the most senior leaders of the Sudan Council of Churches (Government-controlled
areas) and the New Sudan Council of Churches (SPLA-controlled areas) issued
a bold and urgent appeal to the international community to take immediate
action to stop the "ongoing genocide", especially in the areas of oil exploitation.
We reproduce below the full text of their appeal.
* * * * * * * *
Statement of the Sudanese Churches on the Oil Factor in the Conflict
in the Sudan
"The Sudanese Churches believe that the oil found in the
southern Sudan (Bentiu, Pariang, Melut, Jonglei etc) is a national resource
that should be used to develop all the people of the Sudan. Since
it started the exploitation of the oil last year 1999, the government of
the Sudan has however not used the revenues from the oil for the development
of the people of Sudan and in particular those in the oil areas who throughout
history were neglected in terms of equitable allocation of the national
resources. Instead, the oil revenues have been used for the purchase of
military necessities and weapons used for killing and displacing people
in these oil areas. The government’s military capacity is strengthened
with these revenues and it seems that the government has assumed that it
can end the conflict militarily.
"Further, the government is using the roads and airstrips of the
multi-national oil companies engaged in the production of oil in the Sudan,
for military purposes, carrying out aerial bombardment on civilian targets
(Hospitals, Schools, markets, Churches etc) in the southern Sudan, Nuba
Mountains and Southern Blue Nile.
"In the past the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) has issued
a statement with its partners calling for establishment of a Trust Fund
to receive the oil revenues for the Sudan government. It was proposed that
these revenues be apportioned fairly in accordance with an agreement to
be developed by the IGAD. Such an arrangement has proven unworkable.
"As the Shepherds of the population in the Sudan and eye witnesses
to the on-going genocide in the above mentioned areas, we call upon peace-loving
people and the international community to take immediate actions to STOP
the on-going genocide in the Sudan. This includes the withdrawal of the
oil companies helping the government of Sudan to confidently pursue the
war and a call for No-fly zone for military aircraft over the southern
Sudan, Nuba Mountains and South Blue Nile, which should be monitored. This
is to reinforce our call for the same through FECCLAHA forum in Limuru
(Kenya) on the 23rd of March 2000."
Signed in Geneva on 12 April 2000 by:
Rev. David Demey
Rev. John Okumu
Chairman
Chairman
Sudan Council of Churches (SCC)
New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC)
Rev. Enock Tombe Stephen
Rev. Dr. Haruun L Ruun
General Secretary
Executive Secretary
SCC
NSCC
* * * * * * * *
Thousands of the displaced Nuer from Upper Nile have found refuge among
their Dinka neighbors in the area around Maper, Twic County. Dr. Hamouda
Fathelrahman, Jane Roy and Barry Came visited Maper and spoke with some
of the displaced;
Jongchol Dudi Mayar is a Nuer chief. He is in his mid-thirties.
He came with most of his people to the displaced camp in Maper, just outside
of Turalei over two years ago. Their village was close to the Heglig and
Unity Oil Fields. He states that they were forced to leave the village
two years ago due to an increase in PDF raiding, aerial bombing from GOS
Antonovs and the appearance of helicopter gunships. He moved with most
of the villagers at night to avoid the Government of Sudan troops. Now
they wait in the traditional Dinka area of Bahr El Ghazal, being guarded
for their protection by SPLA soldiers. They are allowed free movement within
the province but find it difficult to get food for their people. A cattle-herding
people, their cattle are free to roam within the area of the displaced
camp - a refugee camp by any other name. More Nuers from neighboring villages
have joined them in the past 4-5 months due to an even more intensive bombardment
from GOS troops. Johgchol lays the blame for the continued and the recent
intensification of the forced relocation clearly at the feet of the oil
companies looking to develop the resources in the region. Why do the
western oil companies work with the GOS and take our resources away from
us? If they want to develop the fields that is fine, but we should be getting
some of the benefit. My people live in the area, but instead they kick
us out, and kill us for living there. Now we are a people without a home.
I am thankful that the SPLA is fighting to protect us, but they have little
to give us. I don’t think we can return home in the near future. (jr)
Achol, one of the Nuer that has lived in the displaced camp for
the past two years, arrived back at Mapar one day before we arrived. He
had gone back to the village to see if it was safe to return: I traveled
for three days by foot, only walking at night when it was safe. My village
was more than deserted, it no longer existed. There were soldiers all around
but they didn’t catch me because they didn’t see me. I saw airships with
guns still patrolling the area. When I saw that it still wasn’t safe I
traveled the three days back to here. I will not take my family back until
I know when it is safe. I do not know when that will be. I am not hopeful
it will be soon because it already has been two years but I hope it will
be someday. The people here are nice, they give us what they can, but they
do not have much. I want to go home. I do not want to live here forever
and die here. I should be able to live in my own home. (jr)
D. Other Displaced Persons.
While in Malwal Akon the CSI team visited the makeshift "Riang Aguer"
camp for internally displaced persons. More than 4'000 people live there
(about 2000 children, 1,500 women and 500 men). The camp was established
in February 2000. There are eight such settlements in the area (Riang Aguer,
two in Malwal Bai, two in Akuem, and three in Mangar Angui). At the moment
the inhabitants survive largely on wild fruit. Most of the inhabitants
are returnees from the North who had originally migrated northwards to
escape starvation during the famines of 1988, 1992 and 1998. Life has become
unbearable for them in the North. There has also been a fresh wave of arrivals
from the villages that were recently attacked by PDF slave raiders, especially
from Malith. The settlements also include some redeemed slaves who do not
have a home to go to.
Malek Bul - originally from Riang Awai (60 km from Malwal Akon,
north of Warawar), father of four children (Ayok, Marac, Athian, Garang),
from his first wife Abuk Dhol Athian, and five children (Lual, Nyibol,
Bul, Adhol, Ajak) from his second wife Abuk Dau Deng: My 22-year-old
daughter, Ayok Malek, was taken as a wife by Mohammed Ephraim
and is still in the North in the village of Nuot. He is the father of her
two children. My sons Garang (10-years-old) and Marac (18-years-old)
are still in the north. One of my two wives (Abuk) and our 5 children
are still with the Arabs. I heard that security in the South had improved.
I led 300 people back from the north and arrived 6 weeks ago. I went to
Muglad in 1992 because of serious hunger and starvation. 60 came with me.
I acted as executive chief in the north. Young people were not allowed
to come back because the GOS didn't want them to join the SPLA. Many children
were brainwashed to fight against their own people. I had to do many different
jobs in order to get food and survive. While in Muglad I heard of the possibility
to go to the displaced camp "Ras Holu", but I didn't want to go because
I heard from friends that people are killed at random there. I know of
CSI's work and about the retrievers. I would never go back to the North,
even if I died here of hunger. I speak for many people here. The work of
CSI is well known. We are most grateful for your work to bring back the
children. Food is needed most, but also seeds and tools. On our way back
we were attacked by the PDF. Six people died in the attack. (gw)
Ayen Wieu Kuch - mother and a victim of the 10 March 2000 raid
who fled to Malwal Akon: I have four children, Garang, Gon, Mamer (three-years-old)
and Ahok five-years-old). I was able to rescue Mamer and Ahok. My husband
is Athian Thiel Mamer. There are other people from Malith here,
too. This was the third raid on Malith. The first raid was five or six
years ago. Then again one year later. I arrived here yesterday. I was only
able to save my shoes. I live from wild fruit now. All the cattle were
already taken away in a previous raid.(gw)
Anyar Mawien Anyar - 50-year-old father who arrived today from
Rum Atok (near Malith): I came on ahead of my family anticipating food
from Malwal Kon’s airstrip. Prior to the attack, the villagers heard that
the enemy was coming. In Rum Dier I came across the bodies of Makuei
Ring and Adel Yak, both villagers who had had their throats
slashed. I ran with my two wives Awut Deng Wieu (with whom I have
five boys: Mou, who is with his mother and will arrive later; Mawien, Arol
and Garang who are in the army, and Kuot who was forced by hunger after
the 1999 cultivation period to go north) and Abuk Anei Tong (by
whom I have three children, Amou, Garang, Kuot, all of whom are with their
mother as I came ahead to build a tukul. I also have a daughter-in-law,
Nyawut Akot Garang. We heard gunfire, but didn't see attackers. Here in
the camp there is no food, the women collect wild fruit. I have started
to build a tukul. Water is from a well in Malwal Akon. I hope to have the
skeleton of the tukul ready in two to three days, after that my wives will
come and cut grass for thatch. (gw)
Ajok Ajok Anai reports what happened to his family: Because
of the rumors of the PDF coming I left my village (the village of Malith)
several days ago to come here, bring my herd, find food and prepare a place
for my family to come. I never got a chance to go back and get them. The
PDF came before I could get back. Now my wife is gone, and three of my
children, two girls and a boy, are gone. My mother Akwal escaped with two
of my children: Athiel is six years old and Abuk is four years old. Right
now their grandmother Akwal has gone back to the village to look for my
missing wife and children. I wanted to go but my mother said I was to stay
and look after my family. (jr)
Athiel, the six-year-old described what happened:. They came
on horseback. They were everywhere. Men in khaki colored uniforms. I saw
two men on every horse. The one at the front would steer the horse. The
one on the back would have the gun and do the shooting. There was screaming
everywhere. My mother ran back to get my brother and sisters, but I saw
her get caught by a man with a gun. My grandmother grabbed us and told
us to run and not look back. So we ran with her as fast as we could. She
carried Abuk but I ran. I do not know where my mother is now. My grandmother
went to look for her. (jr)
Nyonnut Akot Aluk, a 24-year-old mother with her 1-year-old baby
Dut
Luot Achien, reported what she saw when the PDF attacked her village
Riang Away, near the River Kiir: They came as they had been rumored
to come. Soldiers on foot and horseback. They came 24 days ago. I ran,
but they took my three children: a daughter Akuech, seven years
old, and two sons: Atong, five years old and Deng, three
years old. My children were playing in a field when the soldiers came.
I could not get to them in time. All I could do was run with my baby and
hope that they were able to escape. Other villagers told me they saw them
captured. The soldiers burned everything. They burned our tukul. We lost
everything. I saw four women killed and eight men of my village killed.
There are 16 children missing from my village. My husband is also missing.
I do not know where he is. I hope that he has gone to look for our children
and was not killed. No one knows yet.
E. The Murder of Arab and Dinka Market Traders.
On March 9, the traders at Warawar market received information suggesting
that the PDF planned to attack the market and asked to be evacuated. Cdr.
Dau Atorjong organized the evacuation of the traders and their wares
to Manger Tong. Twelve traders were reported to have been murdered there.
The Commander gave us basic information about the tragic incident:
At about midnight on March 14-15, 1st Lt. Magwar Acueil Guot, together
with about 15 of his men opened fire at Mangar Tong. According to preliminary
accounts, they killed four Dinkas and eight Arabs. Amongst the dead was
1st Lt. Jonkor who was responsible for security at Mangar Tong. It is believed
that the attack was motivated by revenge for the death of close relatives
of Magwar Acueil Guot at the hands of Arab raiders.
V. Conclusions.
We present here our full set of conclusions, which are drawn from this
and over 30 other CSI Sudan fact-finding visits since 1992:
1. The NIF regime is prosecuting a war of genocide within
the context of what it calls a jihad as it strives to transform
by force the ethnically and religiously diverse country into a totalitarian
Islamist state, against the wishes of the vast majority of its population
in both the North and the South. This jihad has had a devastating
effect on the people of Sudan, especially on the religious and ethnic minorities
of the South, the Nuba Mountains, the Southern Blue Nile and Kassala and
Red Sea Provinces. In the southern war zone alone, over 1.9 million people,
mainly Black African Christians and adherents of traditional tribal religions,
have been killed and over 5 million have been forced to flee their homes
out of a population of approximately 8 million people. NIF attacks on civilian
targets, be they military assaults or the creation of famine conditions
and the denial of humanitarian aid, are intended to uproot ethnic and religious
communities which resist its totalitarian policies, including forced Arabization
and Islamization. The death, destruction and displacement has been so
massive that the NIF stands in blatant contravention of the 1948 Convention
on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. (The Convention
defines an act of genocide as any act, such as killing members of a group,
deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring
about its physical destruction in whole or in part, and forcibly transferring
children of a group to another group, which is committed with intent to
destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious
group).
2. The genocide process is fueled by Canadian, Chinese, Russian and
Malaysian investments, and by the failure of the UN-system to punish the
Government of Sudan for its war crimes.
3. While the principal victim communities are black African,
the overwhelming majority of Northern Arab Muslims are also victimized
by the NIF, which represents no more than 10% of the Northern population.
Suspected leaders and grassroots activists of Sudan's banned pro-democracy
movement are killed, imprisoned and tortured in the NIF's infamous prisons
and 'ghost houses' (detention centers). Citizens who are not NIF activists
or collaborators suffer discrimination in employment, education, housing
and social services.
4. The NIF persecutes Christians and other religious minorities,
relegating them in legal terms to the status of dhimmis ('protected'
peoples who do not have equal rights with Muslims) or kafir (infidels
who are entirely outside the law). The NIF also persecutes the legitimate
religious leaders of Sudan's Muslim communities, such as the leaders of
the Ansar and Khatmiyya communities.
5. The raids for slaves are undertaken mainly by militias, which
are formed into PDF units, and by the regular army. They are accompanied
by atrocities, such as murder, torture, rape, looting and the destruction
of property. The main targets of these raids are the Dinka community of
northern Bahr El Ghazal and the people of the Nuba Mts. The slave raids
are just one of many instruments of war used by the NIF to uproot ethnic
and religious communities which resist its totalitarian policies, including
forced Islamization and Arabization.
6. The institution of chattel slavery continues on a large
scale in NIF-controlled areas of Sudan, especially in southern Darfur and
southern Kordofan. This institution is defined in international law as
a "crime against humanity". The number of chattel slaves is estimated to
be in the tens of thousands. The black African slaves, in most cases women
and children, are forced to provide domestic and agricultural labor and
to provide sexual services against their will for nothing other than the
minimum of food for survival. They are generally given Arab names and are
often forced to observe Muslim rituals. Many of the female slaves are subjected
to ritual genital mutilation. The slaves can be bought and sold.
7. The institution of state slavery also continues on a large
scale in NIF-controlled areas of Sudan. Those held in this kind of bondage
are taken to concentration camps, which the NIF calls 'peace camps'. There
the children are forced to attend militant Koranic schools where they receive
indoctrination in the ideology of jihad and where the women are
abused and sent out to work as unpaid day laborers in private homes or
on farms. Hundreds of thousands of Sudanese have been placed in such concentration
camps. Women and children from the Nuba Mountains in southern Kordofan
have suffered most from this kind of state enslavement. There is now evidence
that the NIF is placing Dinkas captured in the Spring of this year in these
camps.
8. The decision of the UN High Commission on Human Rights, the European
Union and others in the international community to use the terms "abduction"
and "abductees" instead of the terms "slavery" and "slaves", which have
been correctly used by successive UN Special Rapporteurs, human rights
organizations and Sudanese church bodies, encourages the NIF regime to
continue its policy of enslaving with impunity its own citizens, and represents
a major step backward in the campaign to abolish slavery in Sudan.
9. The Rizeiqat and Misiriya Arabs remain divided. Some continue
to co-operate with the NIF and participate in its jihad. Others
have been motivated by their traditional religious and political leaders,
such as Sadiq and Mubarak El Mahdi of the Umma Party, to reject the NIF's
call for jihad and to opt instead for peaceful relations and commercial
agreements. After experiencing a series of setbacks in its relations with
the Rizeiqat and Misiriya, the NIF has been able to regain the initiative
both politically and militarily amongst these tribes. A great trial of
strength between the NIF and the Umma Party in Darfur and Kordofan is now
in progress.
10. The NIF's slave raiding in Bahr El Ghazal and the Nuba Mts.
is complemented in other parts of Sudan, both North and South, by the capture
of women and children by the armed forces of the NIF, and their placement
in concentration camps, militant Koranic schools and PDF camps, where they
are enslaved or subjected to slave-like practices.
11. CSI's slave redemption program remains the only means by
which large numbers of slaves can be liberated and returned to their families.
The Government of Sudan's Committee for the Eradication of Abduction of
Women and Children (CEAWC – which is supported by UNICEF, the European
Union and Canada - has so far proven to be ineffective and is dangerous
to the well-being of slaves. Hundred of women and children have been kept
in detention and shunted between El Obeid and the Government garrison town
of Aweil, without ever being reunited with their families and neighbors.
The United Nation's partnership with a regime that is responsible for the
continuation of the slave trade in Sudan, renders UNICEF and other UN agencies
incapable of locating, liberating and returning large numbers of Sudanese
slaves to their homes in northern Bahr El Ghazal.
12. Western donor states pay hundreds of millions of dollars,
year after year, which go into the black hole of humanitarian aid for the
Sudanese war victims, while investing little or nothing to enable the victimized
communities to defend themselves.
13. The NIF continues to refuse access to the UN and to NGOs
to enter and deliver emergency aid to many areas controlled and administered
by the country's pro-democracy movement and to the scene of current ethnic
cleansing. Among the areas most severely affected by this policy are Eastern
Upper Nile, the Nuba Mts., the southern Blue Nile, the areas around Juba,
and Kassala and the Red Sea Provinces.
14. The international community has, as a rule, accepted the
NIF's veto on emergency humanitarian relief work, and has failed to devise
alternative strategies, thereby leaving hundreds of thousands of people
bereft of vital relief. Furthermore, relief supplied by western governments
and churches is made available to radical Islamic agencies that work together
with the NIF, and is distributed by these agencies on condition of conversion
to Islam. As a result, western donors assist unwittingly the NIF as it
prosecutes its genocidal jihad.
15. Human rights violations have been committed by all parties
to the Sudanese civil war. All such human rights violations must be condemned.
There is, however, a gross asymmetry, both in quantity and quality, with
the NIF as the principal and most systematic violator of human rights.
In the absence of any intervention by the international community, the
SPLA is the only force defending the black African communities of southern
Sudan, the Nuba Mts. and the Blue Nile against the NIF's war of genocide.
16. The establishment by the SPLA/M in 1994 of a civil administration,
its 1996 conference on Civil Society, and its 1997 Conference on Church-State
Relations are positive indications of a serious commitment to the development
of principles and policies for the promotion of peace and justice in a
pluralistic society, at a time when the marginalized people of Sudan are
still engaged in a desperate struggle for survival.
17. The international community's policy of 'constructive engagement'
with the NIF, which is pursued with special vigor by the UN, the European
Community and Canada, has hitherto failed to persuade the Khartoum regime
to halt or diminish the intensity of its war of genocide, which includes
man-made famine, slavery, scorched earth tactics, and killing civilians
through air and ground assaults, and persecuting Christians, tribal traditionalists
and Muslims who resist the imposition of the NIF's jihad . This
policy, which includes political and financial rewards to the NIF regime,
encourages it to violate UN-brokered cease-fires and fundamental human
rights with impunity, and to obstruct the IGAD peace process.
VI. Recommendations.
Our policy recommendations include many that have been made in previous
CSI reports. This set of recommendations has been amended to take into
account new developments and new discoveries in the field.
The time is long overdue for the international community to take a firm
stand against the NIF's policy of genocide, which involves not only destruction
of life, but also of culture, language, community, religion and ethnic
identity. This policy continues to create death and destruction on unimaginable
proportions and to give rise to dangerous political instability in Sudan
and throughout the region. CSI therefore calls on the international community,
in particular the member states of the UN Security Council, to prevail
upon the regime in Khartoum to cease hostilities against the people of
Sudan, and to honor its voluntarily accepted human rights obligations to
all its citizens, by implementing the following recommendations:
1. Build upon UN Security Council resolutions 1044, 1055 & 1070
by imposing sanctions of increasing severity, including, if necessary,
arms and oil embargoes and air exclusion zones to destroy the NIF's capacity
to continue its war of genocide and its ability to enslave its own people
and to destabilize neighboring states.
2. Support the IGAD peace process, especially implementation
of the Declaration of Principles calling for the right of self-determination,
secular government and democracy as the only basis for a lasting peace
in Sudan, and to encourage and assist the IGAD mediators and the warring
parties as a matter of urgency to establish the modalities, including time
limits, for the transfer of power to a representative, non-religious interim
government and for the exercise of the principle of self-determination
for the peoples of the war zone, in accordance with the accepted IGAD principles.
3. Recognize the de facto sovereignty of the SPLM, which administers
territory, and provide security and services to the peoples of Southern
Sudan, the Nuba Mts., the southern Blue Nile, and to the Beja Congress
which does likewise in Kassala and Red Sea Provinces.
4. Support divestment campaigns against the Canadian oil firm
Talisman and other western companies whose investments in Sudan help the
Khartoum regime to finance its war of genocide.
5. Condemn in the strongest terms the regime in Khartoum at next
meeting of the UN Human Rights Sub-Commission for its direct responsibility
for slavery in Sudan, and to cease using the term "abduction" as a euphemism
for "slavery", which is defined in international law as a crime against
humanity.
6. Initiate proceedings, through the UN Security Council, against
the leaders of the NIF and slave owners for gross violations of the 1945
Genocide Convention and for committing other war crimes.
7. Investigate credible reports of the NIF's possession of chemical
weapons and its plans to use them, especially in Juba, as a weapon of last
resort.
8. Establish an independent slave and abducted youth tracing
scheme to locate and return slaves and other abducted children to their
homes and families in SPLM/A controlled parts of Sudan.
9. Reject the NIF's veto on the delivery of emergency humanitarian
aid to millions of desperately needy people, and establish and fund mechanisms
outside the framework of the UN Operation Lifeline Sudan for the delivery
of emergency aid to parts of the country that are designated by the NIF
regime as prohibited areas.
10. Support grassroots initiatives of chiefs and other community
leaders to promote the values and institutions of civil society, including
peace and reconciliation initiatives in the borderlands between Northern
and Southern Sudan where Arab Muslim and Black African Christian and traditional
tribal communities coexist peacefully; and encourage in practical ways
the SPLM and other banned movements and organizations throughout the country
to continue the policy of empowering civil society.
John Eibner, Gunnar Wiebalck, Jane Roy & Glen Pearson
April 15, 2000